[Versus]

Originally Posted by Jonathan

It certainly looks bad if less than 2/3rds of all students are getting more than 3/4's of available scholarships and grants, but there's a few other numbers I'd need to know before I can tell if it is damning. Taking a closer look white students make up 61.8% of the student body, 5.5% of them get private scholarships. Black or African American students make up 14% percent of the student population, and 4.4% of them get private scholarships. The average awarded to whites was $2,368, and blacks was $2,671 (and No, this is not playing into AshleyO's hopes to see me cry about white victimization).

That doesn't say anything about the approval rate of scholarships; It only measures people who already have them. That is not where you will find the difference. You also might want to look at student loan source preference trends by race and possible reasons why.

Of course 5% of a bigger number means white students "get more", but on an individual level they aren't that far off. Those statistics also do not include awards that are restricted by race, so there is an incomplete data set. The distribution in funding seems to run relatively consistent with
the student population. 60 something percent of students get 60 something percent of the funding. In any case those statistics don't seem to provide
any information on how class affects the likelihood of a given student getting help. A family that is struggling to get by is not going to have the time or resources to help their kids fight for the aid they need.

Only 5% of all scholarships and 10% of individual scholarships consider the students race among eligibility criteria.

On crime - the economic class is also a strong factor for both victims and incarceration rates. "Refusing to address the role that class plays in the criminal justice system, and politics in general, makes it all but impossible to address the root causes of 2 million people behind bars in the U.S. Race and racism do play a factor, but only indirectly. To the extent that
blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately poor compared to overall society, they are disproportionately represented in the prison population. Few studies have examined the correlation between race and class. One of the few that did, (cited in Elliott Currie's Crime and Punishment in America), looked at the crime, arrest and incarceration rates in a poor black neighborhood and a poor white neighborhood in Ohio. The not so surprising conclusion was that it is the poor, regardless of race, who bear the brunt of the war on crime, which sounds better than a "war on the poor." This explains why whites are in prisons and the relative absence of wealthy minorities from prisons and jails." (Taken from Paul Wright's 'The Crime of Being Poor')

I read that article and that man is a fucking moron. Aside from that blatant tokenism he liked to use rather then provide hard numbers, it's beyond stupid to say the wealthy commit violent crimes at anywhere near the rate of the poor, especially in light that there is information that shows that the wealthy are the victims of crimes at an increasingly lower rate. I understand that there is preferential treatment given to the wealthy and that their conviction rate is naturally going to be lower as they can afford a defense. That doesn't change that their wealth is going to stop them from reporting crimes they are a victim of. Unless you can show me that there isn't a correlation between the chances of a white man being the victim of crime and the chances of a white man committing a crime within the same class, I'm going to discount that as color blind racism.

And it's infuriating that he won't recognize that regardless of class, white people are given racial preference dozens of times over. His whole fucking argument is literally

A central part of the mythology of the criminal justice system in the United States is that everyone is treated equally, regardless of his or her race or class. The concept that no one is above the law is a noble one. Like many good ideas, reality usually lags far behind the rhetoric.

Recent years have seen a growing criticism of the criminal justice system on the flawed premise that that the system itself is racist. Proponents of this position support their argument by pointing to statistics that show that black men make up 6% of the national population but almost half of the nation's prison population. Or that at any given time one third of the U.S. population of black men is under criminal justice control, either in prison, jail, probation or parole. (See David Cole's No Equal Justice for a detailed overview of this position.) The end result: a stunning and disproportionately large percentage of black men under criminal justice control, is taken as prima facie evidence that the very system is inherently racist, at least in its outcome.


No one, it seems, is willing to discuss the role that class plays in determining who does and does not go to prison. If the law prohibits rich and poor alike from stealing bread, and both steal bread, how come only the poor go to prison for doing so? The proponents of the institutional racism theory do not claim that rich blacks and Latinos are being herded into prison and jail in vast numbers, because they are not. And what about the whites in prison? Do they count for nothing? White prisoners tend to share one thing with their black and Hispanic compatriots: poverty. Most prisoners report incomes of less than $8,000 a year in the year prior to coming to prison. A majority were unemployed at the time of their arrest. Tellingly, in a society that measures everything, no government statistics are kept on pre incarceration earnings and employment histories. Few researchers seem interested in proving the obvious.

Are you fucking kidding me? "Recent years have seen a growing criticism of the criminal justice system on the flawed premise that that the system itself is racist. And what about the white people in prison? Do they count for nothing?" The proponents of the institutional racism theory, White prisoners tend to share one thing with their black and Hispanic compatriots- This has racist denial and marginalization all over it. Fuck this privileged cunt and his bullshit, and fuck him even more for trying to lift us up and pretend like we're all equal under his cause.

These are all unbiased to class and stark examples of how even though nobodies really out to get us, it just sort of happens that way.

Since 1992, when the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDPA) was amended, the federal government has acknowledged that youth of different races and ethnicities are treated differently by the justice system. As such the federal government has promoted policies to ease those disparities. The Republican Congress reauthorized the JJDPA in 2003.

In a seminal meta-analysis conducted by researchers Carl Pope and Richard Feyerherm for the Justice Department, two-thirds of the studies of state and local juvenile justice systems they analyzed found that there was a "race effect" at some stage of the juvenile justice process that affected outcomes for minorities for the worse. Their research suggested that "the effects of race may be felt at various decision points, they may be direct or indirect, and they may accumulate as youth continue through the system."

Blacks, on average, are about 8 times more likely to be in state or federal prison than whites. By the end of the 1990s, 21 percent of young black poorly-educated men were in state or federal prison compared to an imprisonment rate of 2.9 percent for young white male dropouts.

Like incarceration rates, the cumulative risks of imprisonment fall with increasing education. The cumulative risk of imprisonment is 3 to 4 times higher for high school dropouts than for high school graduates. About 1 out of 9 white male high school dropouts, born in the late 1960s, would serve prison time before age 35 compared to 1 out of 25 high school graduates.
The cumulative risk of incarceration is about 5 times higher for black men. Incredibly, a black male dropout, born 1965–69, had nearly a 60 percent chance of serving time in prison by the end of the 1990s. At the close of the decade, prison time had indeed become modal for young black men who failed to graduate from high school. The cumulative risks of imprisonment also increased to a high level among men who had completed only 12 years of schooling. Nearly 1 out of 5 black men with just 12 years of schooling went to prison by their early thirties. The share of the population with prison records is particularly striking among non-college men. Whereas few non-college white men have prison records, nearly a third of black men with less than a college education have been to prison.